15 February 2013

About the Idea of Monosexual Privilege and the Monosexual Privilege Checklist

Some context on this: the idea of monosexual privilege has been a hotly debate subject among bisexual people on tumblr. This post came on the tail end of a loooong debate involving a lot of people and a lot of different views. For more background: read these posts by Shiri Eisner, this post by pareia, and these discussions on tumblr.

This is the post as it appeared on my tumblr on Jan. 26, 2013.

I’m adressing this post to the people I argued with yesterday over the concept of monosexual privilege and in particular to Shiri Eisner, as the creator of the monosexual privilege checklist. It is based on yesterday’s discussion and today’s clarification from Shiri Eisner on the intent behind the checklist.

I would like to make it clear that I write this as a bisexual woman who is very interested in bisexual politics and devotes a lot of time to thinking and writing about it. My stake in this is that I would like to see bisexual politics that are revolutionary, that speak to our experience as bisexuals, that are well thought out and well reasoned and useful tools for bringing down the binaries – in short, I want the same as you. So please do not dismiss my arguments here as privilege-denial, or as internalized monosexism.

While you see two different axes of oppression, one straight-queer and one monosexual-bisexual, I (and others, but I can only speak for myself in this post) see only one straight-queer axis of oppression with different consequences for the different oppressed groups and a degree of horizontal hostility as a result of that.

In one of my many, many, many posts on the subject of monosexual privilege yesterday, I said the following:

So far, I have seen no examples of monosexual privilege that is generally available to gay people. Some of it is available to white middle-class cis gay people who conform to heteronormativity, some of it is available to gay people only in LGBT spaces. The former is an example of the privileged group extending privilege to a select few of the non-privileged as a reward for buying into their ideology, the latter does not count as it is a subspace separate from mainstream society.

This got buried in a wall of text and nobody responded to it so I’m putting it in its own post and bolding it. I will add that another category exists: rights that the gay community had to fight tooth and nail to have, which we don’t have yet because our problems haven’t been prioritized. I would argue that hard-won rights (especially those that are relatively recently acquired and only in a specific set of countries) have no place on a privilege checklist. If necessary, I am willing to go through the checklist point by point and show that each of them belongs in one of these categories.

Now I should add that I am well aware that monosexual privilege is not claimed to originate in the gay community. However. If you construct a group of people as a privileged group by virtue of sexuality, it has to make sense to talk about that group as privileged by virtue of their sexuality. If what you describe as monosexual privilege is not available to everyone you define as monosexual, even when taking the other axes of oppression into account, it’s time to look at who actually holds the privilege in question. In this case, I think it clearly is heterosexuals. The reason why those of us who criticize the idea of monosexual privilege focus so heavily on lesbians and gays in relation to this is twofold. 1) We all agree that heterosexuals hold the privileges listed and 2) it is when we apply the concept of monosexual privilege to gays and lesbians as subsets of the proposed monosexual group that we see how little sense it makes to talk about them as monosexuals.

The monosexual privilege checklist was accepted by many, including myself, without critical thought. It speaks of the unique problems faced by bisexuals and it was such an emotional experience to see it all in list form that I didn’t initially question the chosen template, or its implications.
Since then, I’ve seen a lot of criticism of how prolific the format of the privilege checklist has become, how it’s used on all forms of oppression without taking into account whether the form of oppression in question actually fits the original model. This has become widespread and many people now don’t realise that when you create a privilege checklist, you are implying an underlying axis of oppression with your non-privileged group on one end and everyone else at the other. The format of the privilege checklist cannot and should not be divorced from this political analysis of oppression, or it is meaningless.

Think of the first privilege checklist, the white privilege checklist. It was created to show white people how they are privileged in ways they rarely even think about. Behind it is an analysis of racial oppression that shows white people as privileged over all other racial demographics. This is true regardless of how various non-privileged racial groups are oppressed in different ways, or receive varying degrees of provisional access to the privileges described, because whiteness is monolithic. Because regardless of intersecting gender, class or sexuality oppressions, it makes sense to speak of a relatively uniform white experience. Because I, as a poor person, a woman, a bisexual, a person with a mental illness, living in a country with a vastly different racial history and social dynamic from the US, I can still read the white privilege checklist and have my mind blown by all of the privilege I never realised I had. It works because although whiteness is mostly never considered by white people, white people are still a group with clearly defined membership, even though it mostly becomes clear through definitions of who isn’t white.

This is not transferable to the idea of monosexual privilege. There is no monolithic group of monosexuals. It is not a concept except in our minds as bisexuals. Heterosexuals may see gays and lesbians as less threatening on some levels (as expertly pointed out by Kenji Yoshino in his essay The Epistemic Contract of Bisexual Erasure) but they do not experience straights and gays as one group. There is no cohesion there as there is with whiteness. The extent to which gays and straights have common interests in the suppression of bisexuality is still, as Yoshino describes it, a subconscious contract between two groups with different motives, investments and privileges. It is still a contract between one privileged group and a minority. Intersectionality doesn’t even begin to explain the complete lack of cohesion in this supposedly privileged group.

So here is my problem. If the unique situation of bisexuals does not fit the privilege-oppression framework in the sense of bisexuals being oppressed by monosexuals, and if this framework is not even necessary in order to describe and explain the unique experience of bisexuals or the interests of gays and lesbians in bi erasure, why should we use it? It’s faulty, flawed, oversimplifying and unnecessary. It brings far more harm than good. And to be honest, it feels appropriative to me.
I’m not saying the list should be completely chucked. With a few changes, it could be a list of consequences of bi erasure. A list of specific oppressions for bisexuals under heterosexism. Shining a light on bi specific oppressions is a good thing, a necessary thing. It does not need to be a privilege checklist to do that.

Here is what I suggest: we can talk about bisexual erasure and biphobia as a consequence of heterosexism and sometimes an expression of horizontal aggression. We can even talk about monosexism as a subset of heterosexism in which bisexuality is specifically targeted for the threat it represents to heteronormativity. But if we talk about monosexism among gays and lesbians we should make clear that we are talking about internalized shit and attempts to make an oppressed group look more palatable to the privileged group (homonormativity).

12 February 2013

Review: Biphobia and the Challenge to Lesbian Politics

In December, I bought three used books on Amazon, all about bisexuality. Bisexuality and the Challenge to Lesbian Politics – Sex, Loyalty and Revolution by Paula C. Rust (now Rodríguez Rust) is the first of these I finished, and by far the one that most captured my imagination.

The book is about lesbian attitudes towards bisexuality and bisexual women, their causes and effects. The basis for the book is ostensibly a questionnaire written by Dr. Rodríguez Rust which was answered by 427 women, of which 332 identified as lesbian and 45 identified as bi. (The rest preferred not to label themselves, were uncertain or identified as heterosexual with bi tendencies.) She details the methods she used to ensure that she got a representative sample and I’m pretty sure she did succeed, at least with the lesbians. Sadly, there were too few bisexual respondents for this study to say anything meaningful about bisexuals.

She adds to this a study of the way bisexuality has been mentioned or discussed in major gay/lesbian publications, and a look at the (at that time) relatively new bisexual press.

The real strength of the book, though, lies in her analysis of lesbian politics, the history of lesbian politics and the way this history shaped the way lesbians saw bisexual women in the late 80s to early 90s. Depressingly little enough has changed that I think it is still very relevant today.

Dr. Rodríguez Rust’s main argument is that hostility towards bisexual women in the lesbian community stems from an unresolved conflict between two different political traditions with two different conceptualizations of lesbianism.

The first political tradition she describes is the one that arose in the early 1970s, when lesbians had to politicize sexuality in order to convince straight feminists that lesbian issues were feminist issues. This process gave birth to lesbian feminism, where the lesbian identity was politicized and de-sexualised. The lesbian was constructed as a feminist ideal, living a life away from patriarchy, supporting only other women. The definition of lesbian changed from ”woman who is attracted to women” to ”woman who does not have relationships with men” so that all women could become lesbians if they chose. Women who identify as bisexual, seen through the lens of lesbian feminism, are the ultimate traitors – even worse than heterosexual women – because they take ”energy” (time, resources, support) from lesbians but don’t give any back, instead going ”back” to men to give their energy to them. Because, in this view, bisexual women have the capacity to choose lesbianism but choose instead to keep supporting patriarchy by remaining available to men.

I have many many issues with lesbian feminism, but it somehow never occurred to me that it could be the reason behind many prejudices about us – the idea that we’re traitors to the cause, the idea that we have to make a choice, perhaps even the idea of us being icky because we might have touched a penis.

The other political tradition she describes is what she refers to as the ethnic political tradition. Dr. Rust Rodríguez says, ”the fundamental difference is that feminist arguments rely on the assumption of choice, whereas ethnic arguments rely on the assumption of essence.” (p. 162) The two political traditions are thus radically different, but this conflict was never resolved in the lesbian community – something which the issue of bisexuality calls attention to.

The civil rights movement had changed the language of political debate in the US. The arguments for ending racial oppression had been boiled down to slogans, which became powerful political shorthand that other minorities could use. In order to access these, lesbians (and homosexual people in general) had to be constructed as something similar to an ethnic group. An ethnic group has clearly defined borders, it has shared culture and history, and it is immutable. Immutability is the key political argument, here: it had become generally agreed upon that it was unfair to discriminate against people for something that is beyond their control. The cultural aspects were easily taken care of, lesbian history was constructed (mostly through reinforcement of bisexual invisibility), but in order to use this immutability defense, the absence of choice is vital – bringing this process in direct conflict with lesbian feminism.

Bisexuality threatens this concept of lesbianism in multiple ways. It blurs the borders between gay and straight, it threatens to destroy most of lesbian history (how many of those historical lesbians also had relationships with men? To acknowledge bisexuality is to admit that any of these women could have been not lesbian after all) and worst of all, it brings back the question of choice and undermines the immutability defense.

Stemming from this today is the refusal to acknowledge bisexuality at all. You know the drill – we’re in denial, we’re confused etc.

It seems very useful to me to distinguish between instances of biphobia from lesbians according to what kind of thinking they’re rooted in. Often, when people say to us: ”Make a choice, already!” we find ourselves saying that we can’t, that we’re born this way etc. This fails to hit the mark because we are arguing from two very different standpoints. Maybe a better response would be, ”Why the hell should we?”

This book only deals with bisexual women and the prejudice we face from the lesbian community, but I think parts of this analysis could be used on bisexual men and gay men, too. The political cause there is obviously not feminism or even ideals of gender segregation, but a broader issue of the struggle for queer rights being seen as the struggle between straight and gay, with rigidly drawn lines, and if you’re not with us then you must be against us. The ethnicity analysis works just as well for gay men as it does for lesbians.

In the last chapter of the book, Dr. Rodríguez Rust looks at bisexual publications to examine possible ways to politicize bisexuality. The book was written in 1995 and is thus nearly 20 years out of date, but it really got me thinking nonetheless. That, however, will have to be a different post. As will what she says about the way people conceptualize bisexuality and its effect on their views on bi politics.

I love this book for so many reasons. It’s a very nuanced look at feminism and lesbian politics, warts and all. Most of all it opened the floodgates in my mind for a lot of thoughts about bisexual politics and what we want to do. Definitely recommended reading.

[Original tumblr post here]

DIVA Biphobia Redux

This was originally posted on my tumblr on 13th March 2012, in response to this post.


A few days ago I posted about the biphobic comments that appeared on DIVA’s facebook wall when they asked about lesbians, bisexuals and dating. Well, the article is in the current issue of DIVA and they have this teaser up on their website:

Bye, biphobia

Can lesbians and bisexuals find love together?

Louise Carolin
When DIVA asked lesbians and bi women for their experiences of dating each other, it sparked off a thorny debate. Lesbians were denounced as narrow-minded bigots. Bisexuals were dismissed as untrustworthy cheaters. Hurt and heartbreak were everywhere. But another picture also emerged. Bi women spoke of committed, long-term relationships with women. Lesbians told us that they support bi people’s right to love who they choose.
And yet, some lesbians remain wary of dating bi women. Why is this?
Dr Meg Barker is a senior lecturer in psychology and a relationships therapist at the Lesbian and Gay Foundation in Manchester. She is also one of the authors of The Bisexuality Report (published in February), which examines bisexual invisibility and exclusion.
When it comes to dating, Barker points out, one of the issues is that “bisexual” is a an umbrella term covering everyone from bi-curious straight girls, whose interest is experimental, to women who acknowledge their attraction to men but are mostly drawn to other women. Both these kinds of women may call themselves bisexual but will probably relate very differently to lesbians and the LGBT community.
In most cases, lesbians who avoid dating bi women say that it is their own bad experiences that put them off, while bi women describe the pain of rejection by those who see their identity label as a danger sign.
It’s important to recognise that everyone’s experience is real, says Barker. “We need to understand what it’s like from both sides; that’s the answer here, for lesbian partners or potential partners to tune in and imagine what it might be like to feel distrusted or told you can’t really claim your identity.
“At the same time, the bi partners need to reflect on what it might be like to be with somebody who is constantly saying that they’ve got this identity that makes it feel like they might not be there in the future. Why might a lesbian partner who’s had some of those experiences in the past be a bit distrustful and struggling? What might you do to reassure them? It’s about empathy really.”
Read the rest of this feature in the April issue of DIVA

I’m very, very disappointed. This is a gross misrepresentation of what happened in that thread. I saw one single comment from a bi woman who was adverse to dating lesbians because she’d had horrible experiences with biphobia in the past - this after seven very biphobic comments, including the unforgettable “I wouldn’t go near a bi girl cus i dont want box germs passing on to me from there men:-(:-( rank.com.”

What I saw was a lot of horrible comments from lesbians, and then a lot of bisexuals and lesbians objecting to the horrible biphobic things that were said. Nobody denounced all lesbians as “narrow minded bigots.”

She’s trying to present both sides of this argument as equally horrible when that’s just not the truth. Bisexuals were defending themselves. How can “hey, you’re saying some horrible things, we have feelings too” ever compare to “bisexuals are full of STDs”? To “I don’t want to be with a woman who’s slept with a man?” To “there’s no such thing as a bisexual?” I have major problems with the last paragraph, too, but I’m too tired to unpack my feelings about it right now.

Another thing that bothers me: the tone of this article. It seems to say that things are somehow magically getting better. Really? When biphobic comments like that are concidered acceptable by so many people? When DIVA don’t even care about their bisexual readership to delete even the most horrible ones? Bull. Shit.

Of course, I have no idea how the rest of the article goes. Apparently you can get a free digital issue if you dowload their iPhone/iPad app from the apple app store. I have no apple products. Is there anyone out there who does and would be willing to download this and share at least the gist of the article?

Biphobia and lesbians, a facebook case study

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